Latest / Logosofia no Dia a Dia / Is Jerusalem Becoming More Religious?
Transcript
- [Prompt] custom: I was eating pizza today with my wife when we noticed a couple of ladies walking by on the sidewalk, | Hosts: corn, herman [Response] Corn: Daniel sent us this one — he was eating pizza with Hannah, and two women walked past in full black veils, head to toe, only their eyes visible. Across the street, posters of the Lubavitcher Rebbe declaring him the Messiah. And he says that's just a normal Tuesday in Jerusalem now. The question he's asking is bigger than those two images, though. He and Hannah both feel, independently, that the city is becoming more religiously homogeneous over time. They don't have data for it — just a sense that the encroachments are adding up. So he wants to know: is it actually true that Jerusalem was once less religious, and is it becoming more so? And the deeper question — when does religious presence in public space cross from background diversity into something that feels oppressive? Herman: That second question is the one that's going to take us somewhere interesting. Because the first one — the demographic question — we can answer with numbers. The Jerusalem Institute for Policy Research tracks this stuff meticulously. But the feeling Daniel's describing, that tipping point where religion stops being scenery and starts being something that presses on you — that's not in a spreadsheet. Corn: And the fact that Hannah feels it too is worth sitting with. It's not one person having a bad week. Two people who live in the same city, same apartment, same pizza — they're both looking around and thinking, something shifted. Herman: Daniel's been here ten years. That's long enough to watch a neighborhood change its character, long enough to notice which storefronts close and what replaces them, long enough to feel the cumulative weight of small changes that don't make headlines individually. Corn: Let's start with the scene itself, because the two images he picked are doing different kinds of work. Lev Tahor — that's the extremist sect, based partly in Jerusalem and Beit Shemesh, the women in those full-body black coverings that even other haredi communities find extreme. They're a fringe group, tiny in absolute numbers. And then the Chabad messianist posters — also fringe, also not representative of mainstream haredi Judaism, but they're everywhere. You see them on bus stops, on walls, in certain neighborhoods they're just part of the visual landscape. Herman: That's the thing — both are fringe, but their visibility in public space is disproportionate to their numbers. It's not that most Jerusalemites are Lev Tahor or Chabad messianists. It's that the public square has become a billboard for religious claims that feel increasingly maximalist. Corn: The Rebbe died in ninety-four. The posters declaring him the Messiah have been up for decades. But Daniel's saying something specific — he's saying the cumulative effect has changed. It's not any one poster. It's the posters plus the veils plus the Shabbat road closures plus the gender-segregated buses plus the feeling that the secular spaces he used to take for granted are shrinking. Herman: The episode we need to do here has two tracks. Track one is the data. What do the numbers actually say about Jerusalem's religious composition over the last ten, twenty, thirty years? Is the city genuinely becoming more religious, or is it becoming more polarized — religious neighborhoods getting denser while secular enclaves hold their ground? Track two is the psychology. Why do some people walk past a Messiah billboard and shrug, while others feel it as a kind of intrusion? What does that difference tell us about our own baselines and expectations? Corn: The connection between the two tracks is what Daniel's really after. He's not just asking for census data. He's asking whether his feeling of alienation is justified by reality, or whether it's about him changing as much as the city changing. Herman: Which is a very honest way to frame it. Most people would just say "the city's getting worse" and leave it there. Daniel's saying, I notice this feeling, my wife notices it too, but we don't know if the data backs it up, and we're curious about why we react the way we do. Corn: Where do we start? Numbers or feelings? Herman: Because if the demographic story is complicated — and I suspect it is — that complication matters. You can't evaluate your feelings honestly without knowing what you're actually reacting to. Herman: Here's the core tension. Jerusalem has never been one thing religiously. You've got ultra-Orthodox, national religious, traditional, secular — and that's just the Jewish population. Add Muslim and Christian communities, each with their own internal diversity. The city has always been a patchwork. But Daniel's perception, and Hannah's, is that the patchwork is shifting — that the religious pieces are expanding and the secular pieces are shrinking. Corn: The two triggers he named are doing very specific work. Lev Tahor is the extreme edge — a group so severe in its practices that even mainstream haredi communities keep their distance. They're a tiny group, but they're visually unmistakable. You see them and you can't unsee them. The Chabad messianist posters are different. They're not visually shocking in the same way — it's just a photograph of an elderly rabbi with some Hebrew text. But the content of the claim is what lands. This man died in nineteen ninety-four, and the poster is telling you he is the Messiah. Not was, not might be — is. That's a metaphysical assertion pasted onto a bus stop. And the posters have been around for decades, but Daniel's point is that their meaning changes when the surrounding context changes. One messianic billboard in a largely secular neighborhood feels like a curiosity. Ten of them, plus veiled women, plus Shabbat closures, plus gender segregation creeping into public transit — now it feels like a pattern. Herman: The episode has to work on two levels that don't always line up neatly. Level one is the demographic data — what the Jerusalem Institute for Policy Research and the Central Bureau of Statistics actually show about religious composition over the last ten to thirty years. Birth rates, migration patterns, neighborhood-level changes. Level two is the psychology of perception — why the same public religious display lands differently on different people, and what that gap reveals about the viewer, not just the view. Corn: The gap between those two levels is where the real conversation lives. Because you can look at the numbers and say, okay, the city is more religiously observant than it was in two thousand, but it's not a monolith — secular neighborhoods still exist, nightlife still exists, the German Colony and Baka haven't turned into Mea Shearim. And yet someone like Daniel can walk through the same city and feel something closer to encroachment. Neither perspective is false. They're just measuring different things. Herman: That's what makes this worth doing. Daniel didn't send us a rant about how Jerusalem is ruined. He sent us a question about whether his own feeling of alienation is justified by the facts, and a second question about why he and Hannah feel it while someone else might not. That's unusually self-aware for a pizza dinner observation. Corn: The Jerusalem Institute for Policy Research puts out a statistical yearbook every year, and the trend lines are pretty stark. In two thousand, haredi Jews were about fifteen percent of Jerusalem's population. By twenty ten, that number had climbed to roughly nineteen percent. And the most recent data from twenty twenty-four has them at approximately twenty-four percent. Herman: In twenty-four years, the ultra-Orthodox share of the city went from fifteen to twenty-four. That's not a blip. And it's not slowing down. Add the national religious — the dati-leumi community — and you're looking at another twenty to twenty-two percent. Combined, religiously observant Jews now make up roughly forty-four to forty-six percent of the Jewish population in Jerusalem. Secular and traditional Jews — the masorti who might keep some traditions but don't live a fully observant life — they've gone from being the majority to being the minority. Corn: Which is the kind of sentence that lands differently depending on whether you're the one becoming the minority. Herman: The mechanism driving it is straightforward. Haredi families average six to seven children. Secular Jewish families in Israel average two to three. That alone would shift the composition over a generation. But it's not just birth rates. There's a second engine running alongside it: secular out-migration. Corn: The young professionals leaving for Tel Aviv. Herman: Between twenty ten and twenty twenty-four, Jerusalem lost a net of roughly fifty thousand secular residents aged twenty-five to forty-four. Those are prime working years, the demographic that sustains restaurants and galleries and late-night anything. Meanwhile, the haredi population grew by about eighty thousand in the same period. So you've got a city that's simultaneously hemorrhaging one population and gaining another at a faster rate. The net effect is a demographic transformation that you can feel block by block. Corn: That fifty thousand number — those aren't just statistics. Those are the people who would have been Daniel's neighbors, his pizza-shop companions, the parents at the secular schools. Their absence is as much a part of what he's feeling as the visible religious presence. Herman: Here's where the story gets more complicated than "Jerusalem is becoming religious." The city isn't becoming uniformly anything. It's polarizing. Haredi neighborhoods like Mea Shearim, Geula, Sanhedria — those areas are getting denser and more insular. But secular enclaves like the German Colony, Baka, Rehavia, much of the city center — they remain largely secular. The cafes are still full on Shabbat in those neighborhoods. The city hasn't flipped like a switch. Corn: Daniel's not wrong, but his feeling isn't coming from his own neighborhood transforming into a shtetl. It's coming from the public spaces where these parallel cities collide. Herman: That's the key insight. The light rail, the bus lines, the main commercial thoroughfares, the public parks — those are the zones where the haredi Jerusalem and the secular Jerusalem occupy the same square footage. And that collision is getting more intense because both populations are growing more concentrated in their respective identities. The haredi community isn't becoming more secular with exposure to the city. If anything, it's becoming more stringent. And the secular residents who stay aren't becoming more traditional — they're digging in. Corn: The feeling Daniel described — the encroachment, the sense that religion is pressing into spaces that used to feel neutral — that's not a demographic shift in his apartment. It's a shift in the commons. Herman: I think of it as something I'd call religious load. It's the cumulative weight of visible religious markers that a non-religious person encounters moving through the city. A mezuzah on a doorpost barely registers — it's small, it's private, it's been there forever. A sukkah on a balcony is seasonal and kind of charming. But then you add the Chabad messianic billboards, the Lev Tahor women in full veils, the Shabbat road closures that force you to reroute your Saturday drive, the gender-segregated seating that passengers enforce on certain light rail lines even though the company doesn't require it. Corn: The Bar-Ilan Junction is the case study for this. Twenty years ago, that was a mixed commercial zone — secular shops, religious shops, everyone shopping together. Now it's almost entirely haredi, and during certain hours there are effectively gender-segregated sidewalks. Not by law — by social pressure. Herman: That's the thing about religious load. None of these items individually is oppression. A billboard doesn't coerce you. A woman in a veil didn't ask you to change your behavior. But the cumulative effect, when you encounter ten or fifteen of these markers in a single commute, starts to feel like a statement about whose city this is. The tipping point is entirely subjective. One person walks through the same streets and sees vibrant diversity — look at all these different ways of being Jewish. Another person walks through and sees encroachment — these displays are claiming the space as theirs. Corn: Which brings us to the tradeoffs. Because this demographic shift isn't just about feelings. There are economic consequences. When fifty thousand secular professionals in their prime earning years leave the city, the tax base shrinks. Jerusalem is already the poorest major city in Israel — about a third of its residents live below the poverty line, heavily concentrated in the haredi and Arab communities. The city depends on government transfers, and the secular professionals who leave are the ones who would have contributed most to municipal revenue. Herman: The cultural consequences are just as real. Nightlife has contracted. The music venues and theaters that used to define certain neighborhoods have closed or moved. Jerusalem used to have a reputation as a city where interesting artistic things happened. That reputation has faded, and it's not coming back easily when the population that sustains it is shrinking. Corn: Politically, the shift translates into municipal policy. The haredi voting bloc grows with every election cycle. City council decisions about Shabbat enforcement, about funding for cultural events, about public transportation on holidays — those decisions increasingly reflect religious priorities. It's not a conspiracy. It's democracy. The population that wants certain policies is growing, and the population that wants different policies is leaving. Herman: Again — and this is where I want to be careful — the story is polarization, not conquest. The secular neighborhoods that remain are not becoming haredi. Baka is not turning into Mea Shearim. What's happening is that the middle ground is eroding. The neighborhoods that used to be mixed — where a secular family and a religious family might live on the same block and share a falafel stand — those are becoming rarer. The city is sorting itself into more distinct zones. Corn: The light rail is where the zones overlap. You can't sort a train car. So you get these micro-dramas every day — who sits where, who's dressed how, whose music is playing, whose norms govern the shared air. That's the collision Daniel's feeling. He's not living in a haredi neighborhood. He's commuting through a city where the commons keep getting contested. Herman: The data tells us the collision is real. But that still doesn't explain why the same street, same billboard, same veiled woman produces such different reactions in different people. Daniel's question about that — why some people shrug and others feel something closer to oppression — that's worth pulling apart. Corn: Because if it were just about the numbers, everyone would feel the same thing. The numbers are the numbers. But they don't. Herman: There's a concept from social psychology called identity threat. The basic idea is that when you perceive a visible outgroup marker asserting dominance over a shared space, it triggers a threat response — even if no one is directly coercing you. No one's forcing you to believe the Rebbe is the Messiah. No one's asking you to put on a veil. But the display itself is making a claim about what's normal here, what's authoritative here. And if that claim doesn't match your identity, your brain registers it as a kind of challenge. Corn: It's not about whether the poster is factually true. It's about what the poster is doing in the space. It's saying, this place belongs to people who believe this thing. Herman: Here's where Daniel's own background becomes part of the equation. He's originally from Ireland. In Ireland, like much of Western Europe, religion is largely a private affair. You might see a church steeple, but you don't see billboards declaring theological truths on bus stops. The implicit social contract in those societies is that religion stays in its lane — homes, houses of worship, maybe a necklace. Public space is neutral. Corn: Whereas a secular Israeli who grew up in Jerusalem has a completely different baseline. They've been seeing Chabad posters and haredi dress and Shabbat closures their whole life. It's background noise. A Lev Tahor woman in full veil might register as a curiosity — huh, that's extreme — but not as a violation. Because the contract they grew up with never promised that public space would be religion-free. Herman: Daniel's feeling of alienation is partly about his own baseline expectations. He brought an Irish sense of the public-private boundary to a city that has never respected that boundary. And for ten years, maybe that was manageable. But when the religious load increases — when the density of these displays crosses some subjective threshold — the gap between his expectations and his experience widens into something that feels like oppression. Corn: Which explains why Hannah feels it too, even though she's not Irish. She's been living with Daniel, sharing his framework, probably seeing the city partly through his eyes. And more than that — they're both immigrants to Jerusalem in a sense. Neither of them grew up here absorbing the local contract. Herman: Now, not all religious displays are equal. This is what I'd call an intrusiveness gradient. A mezuzah on a doorpost — most people don't even notice them. They're small, they're at the entrance to private homes, they make no claim on the passerby. A sukkah on a balcony during Sukkot — it's seasonal, it's kind of festive, it's up for a week and then it's gone. Even a non-religious person might find it charming. Corn: A billboard declaring a dead man is the Messiah — that's a different category. That's not a private ritual spilling gently into public view. That's a metaphysical assertion aimed at everyone who walks past. It's making a truth claim about the universe, and it's doing it on public infrastructure. You can't relativize it easily. The poster is literally telling you that you're wrong about the most important question imaginable. Herman: The Lev Tahor veils are doing something similar through sheer visual intensity. A woman covered head to toe in black fabric, only her eyes visible — that's not a quiet cultural difference. That's an image that grabs your attention and doesn't let go. It makes a claim about modesty, about the body, about women's visibility in public space, and it makes that claim without saying a word. Corn: The gradient matters because it explains why Daniel can't just write these things off as diversity. A mezuzah is diversity. A sukkah is diversity. A billboard announcing the identity of the Messiah is something else. It's not asking to coexist. It's asking to be believed. Herman: This connects to something broader that's been happening in Jerusalem for decades — what you could call religious creep. It's not any single policy change. It's the accumulation of small shifts that individually seem minor but collectively change the texture of the city. Bar-Ilan Street — that was a major thoroughfare. It got closed to traffic on Shabbat in the early two thousands. At the time it was controversial. Now it's just how things are. Corn: The gender-segregated events in public spaces — those used to be rare. Now the municipality funds them. The light rail doesn't officially segregate, but on certain lines during peak hours, the social enforcement is strong enough that it might as well be policy. A secular woman who sits in the wrong section will get looks, comments, sometimes worse. Herman: The Shabbat elevator in hotels is the perfect symbol for this. It's a convenience for religious guests — the elevator stops automatically on every floor so no one has to press a button, which would count as work. For a secular guest, it's a minor annoyance. Your ride takes longer. But symbolically, it's loaded. The entire building's infrastructure has been reconfigured around a religious requirement. You didn't ask for it, you didn't choose it, but you're riding it. Corn: That's the asymmetry that matters. Religious residents experience secular encroachment too — bars opening near their neighborhoods, clothing they consider immodest in shared spaces, the Pride Parade. They feel threatened by those things just as as Daniel feels threatened by the Messiah posters. Herman: The power dynamic isn't symmetrical. The religious population is growing and gaining political influence. The secular population is shrinking and losing it. When the Pride Parade route got moved in twenty twenty-three to avoid haredi neighborhoods, and religious groups still came out to counter-protest — that's not two equal sides negotiating. That's one side gaining ground and the other side being asked to make room. Corn: The feeling Daniel has — this isn't just his imagination or his Irishness. It's a real response to a real shift in who holds the cultural and political leverage in the city. The data backs up that the city is becoming more religious. The psychology explains why it lands on him the way it does. And the power analysis explains why it feels like encroachment rather than coexistence. Herman: If the feeling is real and the data is real, what do we actually do with that? Here's the first thing I'd say to someone in Daniel's position. Your perception of religious saturation is shaped by your own baseline, and Jerusalem is not a monolith — it's a patchwork. The German Colony doesn't feel like Geula. Baka doesn't feel like Sanhedria. Your route through the city determines your experience more than any citywide average ever could. Corn: Which means part of the answer is granular. If you're feeling suffocated, look at where you're actually moving. Are you cutting through religious neighborhoods on your commute? Are you shopping in areas that have shifted? The feeling of the whole city closing in might actually be the feeling of three specific streets you use every day. Herman: The second takeaway is about that cumulative weight we talked about. The feeling of oppression rarely comes from a single billboard or one veiled woman. It comes from the stacking. So pay attention to which specific displays actually trigger the feeling. Is it the ones making truth claims, like the Messiah posters? Is it the ones about bodies and gender, like the veils? Is it the infrastructure changes, like the Shabbat elevator? That tells you something real about your own boundaries — what you can coexist with and what crosses a line. Corn: That's useful beyond Jerusalem. Any city with visible religious diversity will test you this way. Knowing your own intrusiveness gradient is just self-knowledge. Herman: The third takeaway is for the people designing these cities. The demographic trends are not reversing. Haredi birth rates and secular out-migration are structural, not cyclical. So the question for policymakers isn't how to stop the shift — it's how to design shared spaces that don't feel like conquest to either side. Corn: Which is hard. You're managing two populations with fundamentally different visions of what public space is for. One side wants gender mixing, open commerce on Shabbat, secular cultural events. The other side wants modesty, Sabbath observance, religious character. There's no neutral ground that satisfies both. Herman: There are design choices that matter. Separate seating on light rail that's opt-in rather than socially enforced. Public events scheduled so they don't force a choice between participation and religious observance. Commercial zones where secular and religious businesses coexist rather than one type driving out the other. These aren't solutions to the demographic shift — nothing is. But they're ways to make the collision less bruising. Corn: For Daniel specifically, I think the most useful thing we can say is: your feeling of alienation is a data point. It's not wrong. But it's also a data point about you — about the expectations you brought to the city, about the baseline you're measuring against. The same streets that feel oppressive to you feel like home to someone else. Holding both of those truths at once is uncomfortable, but it's more honest than pretending only one of them is real. Herman: The question that stays with me, though, is bigger than Jerusalem. What happens when a city's identity shifts enough that a significant chunk of its residents stop feeling like it's theirs? Jerusalem isn't the only place wrestling with this. Parts of London have become so visibly religious in their public character that longtime secular residents describe a similar sense of dislocation. American cities with growing religious enclaves — certain Orthodox Jewish neighborhoods in New York, parts of Dearborn, Michigan — they're all navigating versions of the same tension. Corn: The pattern is usually the same. The group that's growing sees the changes as finally being able to express their identity in public. The group that's shrinking experiences those same changes as loss. Neither is lying about what they feel. They're just standing in different spots on the same street. Herman: Daniel's feeling of alienation is real, and the data says the demographic shift is real, and both things can be true without one canceling the other. The challenge — and I think this is what his question ultimately points toward — is learning to hold the data and the feeling at the same time. The numbers tell you the city is changing. The feeling tells you something about where you stand in it. Corn: That's not a resolution. It's just clarity. Sometimes that's what a good prompt gets you. Herman: Now: Hilbert's daily fun fact. Hilbert: Spider silk owes much of its strength to a protein called spidroin, which contains long repeating sequences of the amino acids alanine and glycine. These sequences allow the silk to form crystalline beta-sheet structures that give it a tensile strength comparable to high-grade steel. During the Cold War, researchers in Tierra del Fuego documented that the extreme humidity of the region caused local spider populations to produce silk with a measurably higher glycine-to-alanine ratio than their counterparts in drier climates. Corn: I don't know what to do with Tierra del Fuego spider humidity data. Herman: I'm not sure Hilbert does either. Corn: Thanks to our producer Hilbert Flumingtop, and thanks to Daniel for a question that made us work. This has been My Weird Prompts. If you want to send us your own questions — about cities, about religion, about anything that's been nagging at you during dinner — email the show at show at my weird prompts dot com. We read everything. Herman: Until next time.