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The Corner Store Loophole: Alcohol, Law & Addiction · Logosofia no Dia a Dia

• [Prompt] custom: We have talked about substance abuse, alcoholism, and homelessness in a number of episodes, and toda | Hosts: corn, herman [Response] Corn: There's a corner store on Jaffa Road — you probably know the one I mean, Herman. Fluorescent lights, dusty shelves, the guy behind the counter has seen everything. And at eight in the morning, a man walks in shaking so badly he can barely hand over the coins. The cashier doesn't blink. He reaches for the fridge, pulls out the cheapest high-strength beer they stock, and makes change. This transaction happens every single day, sometimes twice. Everyone in the neighborhood sees it. Nobody stops it. Herman: That scene — which is real, which is happening right now in the city we both live in — is what Daniel wrote to us about this week. He's been watching this play out in Jerusalem, and he sent us two questions that are connected in a way most people don't think about. Corn: So Daniel's father died of alcoholism. He's seen this disease up close. And he's asking, first — what legal responsibility does a private business actually have when it's blindingly obvious they're fueling a public health crisis? Can a store refuse service to someone permanently? And second — how does the human body physically survive the level of drinking we're talking about here? Because Daniel's thirty-seven, and even one heavy night knocks him out for days. These people are drinking continuously, sometimes for decades. What's actually happening inside them? Herman: The reason these two questions belong together is that the person walking into that store at eight in the morning isn't there because they love the taste of malt liquor. They're there because their body will go into seizure if they don't drink. The store isn't selling a recreational product. It's selling a crude, toxic, self-administered anti-seizure medication. And nobody in the chain — not the cashier, not the store owner, not the licensing authority — is legally required to see it that way. Corn: We're going to trace this through two lenses. First, the legal gap — why convenience stores and liquor stores operate in a regulatory blind spot that bars and pubs don't. And second, the physiology — what's actually happening in a body that's been drinking at this level for years, and why "they're just drunk again" is almost always the wrong diagnosis. Herman: I should say upfront — this isn't an academic exercise for us. We live here. We walk past these people. Daniel lost his father to this exact disease. So when we talk about kindling effects and dram shop laws, we're talking about something that's unfolding on the streets we both know. Corn: Let's start with the law. Because the first thing to understand is that there's a legal fiction built into how we regulate alcohol sales, and it's doing a huge amount of work here. Herman: The legal fiction is this: when you buy alcohol at a bar, the bartender is legally responsible for you. When you buy alcohol at a store, the store's responsibility ends the moment you walk out the door. That's the line between "on-premises" and "off-premises" consumption, and it shapes everything about how this problem is regulated — or not regulated. Corn: The bartender is trained, at least in theory. They're supposed to cut you off when you're visibly intoxicated. In most jurisdictions, if they don't, and you go out and hurt yourself or someone else, the bar can be held liable under what are called dram shop laws. Herman: Dram shop laws — the name comes from an old English unit of measurement for alcohol, a "dram" — hold licensed establishments liable for serving alcohol to someone who's clearly already drunk. These laws exist in some form in most US states, in Canada, in the UK, and yes, in Israel. Israel's 2004 Liquor Licensing Law explicitly requires licensees to refuse service to intoxicated persons. The law is on the books. But here's where the gap opens up. Corn: The gap being that the law was written for bars and restaurants — places where people drink on the premises. A convenience store selling high-strength beer for takeaway isn't classified as a "premises where alcohol is consumed." So the duty of care that applies to a bartender doesn't clearly extend to the guy behind the counter at the corner store. Herman: Enforcement follows the same pattern. Israel's liquor licensing enforcement primarily targets bars, pubs, and restaurants — places with a visible presence, places where violations are easy to observe and document. A convenience store selling a can of eight percent beer to a shaking regular at eight in the morning? That falls into a regulatory blind spot. The transaction is legal on its face. The customer is of age. The product is licensed for sale. What happens after the customer leaves the store is, legally speaking, not the retailer's problem. Corn: This isn't unique to Israel. This is the standard architecture of alcohol regulation almost everywhere. The off-premises exemption is baked into the model. Which means the person who is most vulnerable — the person who can no longer afford bars, who has been banned from bars, who can't function in a social drinking environment — is funneled toward the least regulated point of sale. Herman: That's the Kwik-E-Mart dynamic Daniel mentioned. And it's not accidental. It's structural. Once someone's alcohol use disorder progresses to the point where they can't maintain the appearance of a functional drinker, they're ejected from the regulated space and pushed into the unregulated one. The corner store becomes the sole supplier. And the corner store has no legal obligation to assess their intoxication level, no training on when to refuse service, and no liability for what happens next. Corn: There's also an economic incentive problem here that makes this worse. The products that are most efficient at delivering intoxication per shekel — high-strength malt liquors, typically eight to ten percent alcohol by volume, sold in large single cans at near-cost pricing — these products have the highest profit margin per unit of intoxication. For a convenience store in a low-income area, the customer who buys three of these a day is a reliable, repeat revenue stream. The business model actively selects for the most vulnerable drinkers. Herman: You've got a legal framework that exempts off-premises retailers from the duty of care that applies to bars. You've got an economic structure that rewards selling the most harmful products to the most vulnerable customers. And you've got a workforce — minimum wage cashiers — who have zero training, zero legal protection if they refuse service and the customer gets aggressive, and zero incentive to intervene in a transaction that their employer wants them to complete. Corn: That last point is crucial. A bartender can cut someone off and, if the person gets belligerent, call a bouncer or call the police. A cashier working alone at night in a corner store doesn't have that backup. If they refuse to sell to a regular who's visibly in withdrawal and desperate, they're putting themselves at physical risk. And their employer isn't going to back them up, because that regular is revenue. The system is designed to produce exactly the outcome we're seeing: the transaction continues, day after day, with no intervention. Herman: Now, there are some places that have tried to close this gap. Seattle passed a "Last Call" ordinance in 2018 that restricted sales of high-alcohol-content malt beverages in specific neighborhoods with high rates of public intoxication. It wasn't a ban on alcohol — it was a targeted restriction on the specific products and the specific locations where the harm was concentrated. And it worked. Public intoxication calls dropped measurably. Corn: There's also the Vancouver example — a convenience store in the Downtown Eastside that became infamous because activists documented the harm it was causing. Years of community pressure eventually forced the store to stop selling high-strength malt liquor. But notice what that was: community action, not a legal mechanism. There was no law that compelled them to stop. It took sustained public shaming and activism to achieve what the regulatory system couldn't. Herman: Which raises the question Daniel's really asking: is there any legal path to banning a specific customer from a store permanently? The answer, in most jurisdictions, is complicated. A private business generally has the right to refuse service, but that right isn't unlimited. You can't refuse service on the basis of protected characteristics — race, religion, disability. And here's where it gets legally interesting. Corn: Alcohol use disorder is recognized as a disability under many legal frameworks, including Israel's Equal Rights for Persons with Disabilities Law. So if a store owner says "I'm banning this person because they're an alcoholic," they're potentially opening themselves up to a discrimination claim. But if they say "I'm banning this person because they're disruptive, or because they've violated store policies," that's a different legal basis. The challenge is that the store has no incentive to do any of this. The customer is profitable. The transaction is legal. The harm happens off-site. Why would the store voluntarily complicate its own business? Herman: That's the core of the legal problem. The harm is externalized. The store collects the revenue. The public bears the cost — in emergency room visits, in police calls, in the slow degradation of public spaces. The person buying the beer bears the cost in their own body. But the store's balance sheet doesn't reflect any of that. So the legal question becomes: how do you internalize that externality? How do you make the cost visible to the entity that's enabling it? Corn: There are a few approaches that have been tried. One is the community impact ordinance model — like Seattle's Last Call. You don't try to extend dram shop liability to off-premises retailers, which is legally difficult and politically contentious. Instead, you use the city's zoning and licensing authority to restrict the sale of specific high-harm products in specific high-harm areas. It's not about who you sell to — it's about what you're allowed to sell and where. Herman: Another approach is the public nuisance framework. If a particular store is generating a disproportionate number of police calls, ambulance responses, and public complaints, the city can bring a nuisance action. This has been used successfully in some US cities to pressure stores into changing their practices — not by proving they violated liquor laws, but by demonstrating that their business operations are imposing an unreasonable burden on public services. Corn: Both of these approaches require political will, organized community pressure, and a municipal government that's willing to take on local business interests. In practice, most cities don't act until the problem becomes impossible to ignore. And by that point, the people who've been drinking high-strength malt liquor for breakfast for ten years have already sustained irreversible damage. Herman: That's the legal landscape. The store is operating in a gap. The law wasn't designed for this situation. The economic incentives point in the wrong direction. And the person at the center of it — the cashier, the customer — neither of them has the power to change the dynamic on their own. Corn: Which brings us to the second question. Because we've been talking about what the store is doing. But what is actually happening inside the person who walks in at eight in the morning with shaking hands? What does it mean, physically, to be at the point where the corner store isn't a choice — it's a medical necessity? Herman: This is where my old clinical training kicks in, because what Daniel's describing — that gap between "I had a few too many and feel terrible" and "this person drinks continuously and is somehow still standing" — that gap is explained by something most people never learn about alcohol use disorder. The body isn't just tolerating the alcohol. It's been fundamentally rewired to require it. Corn: The question "how do they survive this" has an answer that's almost worse than the question. They survive because their body has adapted to a poison so thoroughly that removing the poison becomes the thing that might kill them. Herman: And I want to be precise here, because the word "tolerance" gets thrown around in a way that obscures what's actually happening. There are two completely different kinds of tolerance. The first is what most people mean — you need more drinks to feel the same effect. That's your brain adjusting its neurotransmitter balance to compensate for the depressant effects of alcohol. Your GABA receptors become less sensitive, your glutamate system ramps up to counteract the sedation. Corn: That's the tolerance that makes a casual drinker think "I can handle my liquor now." It feels like an adaptation, a skill almost. Herman: But the second kind — metabolic tolerance — is where the real damage happens. The liver starts producing more of an enzyme called CYP2E1, which breaks down alcohol faster. On the surface, this sounds like a good thing. But the byproduct of that faster breakdown is acetaldehyde, which is massively toxic — it damages liver cells directly, it causes inflammation, it's a known carcinogen. So the body is getting better at processing alcohol, but it's paying for that efficiency with cumulative organ damage. The person is clearing the alcohol faster, but they're also poisoning themselves more effectively with every drink. Corn: The tolerance that keeps them functional is the same mechanism that's destroying their liver. That's a grim bargain. Herman: It's the central paradox of chronic heavy drinking. The body adapts to survive the immediate threat — alcohol poisoning — by accelerating a process that guarantees long-term organ failure. Once this metabolic adaptation is in place, the person isn't drinking to get drunk anymore. They're drinking to maintain equilibrium. Their nervous system has recalibrated around the presence of alcohol. Remove the alcohol, and the whole system goes into crisis. Corn: Which is where the withdrawal trap comes in. Daniel mentioned the idea that these people might be self-administering anti-seizure medication. How literal is that? Herman: It's almost exactly literal. Alcohol is a central nervous system depressant — it enhances GABA, the brain's main inhibitory neurotransmitter, and it blocks glutamate, the main excitatory one. Over time, the brain compensates by producing less GABA and more glutamate. If you suddenly remove the alcohol, you've got a brain that's running too hot — not enough inhibition, too much excitation. And that's when seizures happen. That's when delirium tremens happens. That's when people die. Corn: The morning drink isn't about pleasure. It's about preventing a medical emergency that their own brain is primed to produce. Herman: It gets worse. There's something called the kindling effect — one of the cruelest features of severe alcohol use disorder. Each time a person goes through withdrawal, the next withdrawal episode becomes more severe. The brain's seizure threshold drops lower and lower. A withdrawal that was merely uncomfortable the first time can become life-threatening by the fifth or sixth cycle. A 2018 study in Alcoholism: Clinical and Experimental Research documented this precisely — each detox attempt increases the severity of subsequent withdrawal symptoms. The brain learns to overreact to the absence of alcohol. Corn: Someone who's been through withdrawal multiple times isn't just back at square one. They're at square negative five. Their brain is more fragile than it was before they ever tried to quit. Herman: Which means that for someone with a long history of severe alcohol use disorder, continuing to drink isn't necessarily the most dangerous thing they can do. Stopping abruptly, without medical supervision, might be. That's not an argument for continued drinking — it's an argument for medically supervised detox. But it explains why "just stop" is not just unhelpful advice, it's potentially dangerous advice. Corn: That reframes the entire transaction at the corner store. The person isn't buying a recreational beverage. They're buying a crude, unregulated, self-dosed medication to prevent a seizure that their own kindled nervous system is waiting to unleash. The store is, functionally, a pharmacy that doesn't require a prescription and has no pharmacist. Herman: Like a lot of self-medication, it's treating a condition that the medication itself created. The alcohol caused the neurological changes that make alcohol necessary. It's a closed loop. Break the loop and the person goes into crisis. Maintain the loop and the person slowly dies of organ failure, nutritional deficiency, or one of the dozen other ways that chronic alcoholism kills you. Corn: There's another piece of this that explains how they're physically still standing, and it's almost as destructive as the alcohol itself. The nutritional catastrophe. Someone with severe alcohol use disorder often gets more than fifty percent of their daily calories from ethanol. No protein, no vitamins, no minerals. Herman: Which means they're eating less actual food. But the body still needs protein, still needs micronutrients. So it cannibalizes itself. Muscle tissue gets broken down for amino acids. The body starts consuming its own structure just to keep basic metabolic processes running. That's why you see that distinctive physique — visceral fat accumulation combined with muscle wasting. The body is simultaneously storing empty calories as fat around the organs while breaking down skeletal muscle for protein. It's a starvation state happening inside someone who's consuming thousands of calories a day. Corn: They're malnourished and obese at the same time. That's a particularly cruel combination. Herman: The most devastating consequence of that nutritional collapse is thiamine deficiency. Alcohol blocks thiamine absorption in the gut, it impairs the liver's ability to store and convert thiamine into its active form, and the person isn't eating enough thiamine-rich food to begin with. The result is Wernicke-Korsakoff syndrome — permanent brain damage. Memory loss, confabulation where the person invents stories to fill gaps they don't know they have, inability to form new memories, coordination problems. Studies from Glasgow, Dublin, and San Francisco have found rates of Wernicke encephalopathy among chronically homeless populations that are ten to a hundred times higher than the general population. Corn: That damage doesn't reverse when they stop drinking. It's permanent. Herman: The Wernicke phase can sometimes be treated if caught early with high-dose thiamine. But once it progresses to Korsakoff syndrome, the brain damage is largely irreversible. And here's the thing — the person often doesn't know it's happening. One of the symptoms is anosognosia, a lack of insight into their own condition. They genuinely don't perceive the cognitive deficits. Corn: Which makes the "why don't they just get help" response even more inadequate. They might not be capable of recognizing they need help. The disease has eaten the part of the brain that would notice the disease. Herman: There's one more layer to the survival question that Daniel's experience points to directly. He mentioned that at thirty-seven, one heavy night knocks him out for days. So how is someone older than him drinking continuously? The answer is that severe alcohol use disorder fundamentally rewires the body's stress response system — the HPA axis, the hypothalamic-pituitary-adrenal axis. Cortisol regulation gets disrupted. Sleep architecture gets destroyed — they're not getting restorative sleep even when they're unconscious. Chronic inflammation becomes the new baseline. The person isn't recovering from drinking. They're maintaining a precarious equilibrium where "functional" means "not currently seizing." The hangover that flattens Daniel for two days is a luxury his body can still produce — it's a sign that his system still knows how to mount a recovery response. The chronic drinker's body has stopped trying. Corn: The absence of a hangover isn't a superpower. It's a warning sign. Herman: It's the canary in the coal mine. It means the HPA axis has been so thoroughly dysregulated that the body has stopped trying to return to baseline. Cortisol rhythms flatten out. Sleep stops being restorative — even if the person is unconscious for eight hours, they're getting almost no slow-wave sleep, no REM sleep. They're not resting. They're just not conscious. Corn: Which means they're accumulating sleep debt and stress damage continuously, with no mechanism to clear it. That sounds like it should be fatal within weeks. Herman: For some people it is. But the body is remarkably good at finding a new equilibrium, even a terrible one. The person is running on a metabolic tightrope. Their liver enzymes are in overdrive. Their brain has recalibrated around the constant presence of a depressant. Their nutritional status is collapsing. But as long as the alcohol keeps coming, the system holds. The tragedy is that "holding" looks like survival from the outside, but it's really just a slower form of dying. Corn: Daniel's anti-seizure medication analogy keeps getting sharper the more we unpack this. Alcohol is essentially a dirty, broad-spectrum neurological agent that happens to be available over the counter. Herman: The medical parallel isn't just a metaphor. Benzodiazepines — drugs like Valium, Ativan — work on the exact same GABA receptors that alcohol targets. That's why benzos are used in medically supervised detox. They calm the same system without the toxic metabolites, without the nutritional destruction, without the organ damage. When someone with severe alcohol use disorder drinks to stave off withdrawal, they're essentially self-prescribing a crude benzodiazepine that also happens to be destroying their liver, their brain, and their digestive system simultaneously. Corn: When we see someone who's visibly intoxicated in public, the assumption most people make is "they're drunk again." But the more accurate read is "they're preventing a seizure." That's a radical reframing. Herman: And I want to be careful not to overstate it — not every drink is seizure prevention. There are moments of genuine intoxication, especially after a period of relative abstinence. But for the person who's been drinking continuously for years, the goal is maintenance, not intoxication. They're trying to keep their blood alcohol concentration in a narrow window — high enough to suppress withdrawal, low enough to remain conscious and functional enough to get the next drink. It's a form of self-titration that requires constant attention. Corn: Which must be exhausting in its own right. You're not enjoying anything. You're managing a medical condition with a tool that's killing you, and you have to do it every few hours or your brain catches fire. Herman: That's the reality we're all walking past. The person outside the corner store at eight in the morning with shaking hands isn't having fun. They haven't been having fun for years. They're keeping themselves alive until the next drink. That's the disease. That's what killed Daniel's father. And that's what the legal system, the regulatory framework, the economic incentives — none of it is designed to see. Corn: The store is selling a product that the customer's body now requires to function. We've been calling it a medical supply chain, and the more we dig into the physiology, the less that feels like a metaphor and the more it feels like a clinical description. Herman: If we take that seriously — that this is a medical supply chain — then the question shifts. It's not "should the store stop selling to this person." It's "what actually breaks the loop." Because right now, the store provides chemical stability. The customer's body demands it. Neither can exit the arrangement alone. Corn: What does work? Because we've established that the legal framework isn't designed for this, that the economic incentives point the wrong way, and that the person at the center of it is locked in a physiological trap. What's the intervention that actually changes something? Herman: There are two routes, and they have to work together. One is medical — medically supervised detox, followed by medication-assisted treatment. Drugs like naltrexone, which blocks the rewarding effects of alcohol, or acamprosate, which helps stabilize the neurotransmitter systems that withdrawal throws into chaos. These aren't cures, but they can give someone enough neurological stability to stay stopped long enough for the kindling to settle down. Corn: The second route? Herman: Restricting the supply channel. And the most effective model we've seen isn't trying to extend dram shop laws to convenience stores — that's legally messy and politically radioactive. It's community impact ordinances. Seattle's Last Call ordinance restricted the sale of high-alcohol-content malt beverages in specific neighborhoods with high rates of public intoxication. It didn't ban alcohol. It didn't shut down stores. It just said: in this geographic area, you can't sell these specific products that are disproportionately associated with harm. And the results were measurable. Public intoxication calls dropped. Emergency room visits dropped. The sky didn't fall. Corn: The beauty of that approach is that it sidesteps the whole legal tangle about who's responsible for what. You're not litigating whether the cashier should have known the customer was intoxicated. You're not trying to prove causation between a specific sale and a specific harm. You're using the city's existing licensing and zoning authority to say: this product category, in this location, is generating costs that the public shouldn't have to bear. Herman: Vancouver showed that community pressure can achieve the same thing even without a formal ordinance. Years of activism, documentation of harm, public shaming — it eventually forced that store in the Downtown Eastside to stop selling high-strength malt liquor. It shouldn't take years of activism to achieve what's obviously the right outcome, but it does show that the pressure points exist. Corn: Neither approach — medical or structural — works in isolation. You can restrict the supply channel, but if the person on the other end of it still has a kindled nervous system that will seize without alcohol, they'll find another source. They'll walk further. They'll switch to something else. The demand doesn't disappear just because one store stops selling. Herman: Conversely, you can offer someone medically supervised detox and medication-assisted treatment, but if they walk out of the clinic and the same store is still there, selling the same product at the same price, the environment hasn't changed. The cue is still present. The brain's learned association between that storefront and relief from withdrawal is one of the strongest behavioral reinforcers we know of. Corn: The intervention has to be simultaneous. You need to make the product less available and you need to make the alternative — medical stability — more accessible. The store and the customer are in a co-dependent system, and you can't fix one side of it without addressing the other. Herman: That brings us to the practical reframing Daniel's question points toward. When you see someone who's visibly intoxicated in public, the default interpretation — even among well-meaning people — is "they're drunk again." It's a moral judgment wrapped in an observation. But if you understand that severe alcohol use disorder is a withdrawal-avoidance condition, the interpretation changes. It's not "they're drunk again." It's "they're preventing a seizure. Corn: That's not just a semantic shift. It changes what kind of response makes sense. Herman: If you think the person is indulging in recreational excess, the appropriate response is some version of "stop it." If you understand they're managing a potentially fatal medical condition with the only tool their body will accept, the appropriate response is medical intervention. It changes how police should respond. It changes how EMS should respond. It changes how outreach workers assess the situation. The person isn't a nuisance to be moved along. They're a patient who hasn't been treated. Corn: There's a practical implication here for anyone who encounters this situation regularly — store owners, social workers, even just neighbors. Calling an ambulance because someone is "drunk" gets a different response than calling because someone is in alcohol withdrawal. If you can recognize the difference — the shaking, the sweating, the agitation that looks like intoxication but is actually neurological distress — you can describe the situation in a way that triggers a medical response rather than a law enforcement one. Herman: That's the lens Daniel's question ultimately gives us. Not "what should society do" in some abstract sense, but "what is actually happening in that transaction." The person outside the corner store at eight in the morning isn't making a consumer choice. They're performing a medical routine. The store isn't selling a recreational product. It's supplying a chemical that a rewired nervous system requires to avoid catastrophe. And everyone walking past who sees a drunk person is misreading a medical emergency as a moral failure. Corn: Once you see it that way, you can't unsee it. Herman: That's the question I think we have to sit with. If the convenience store is functionally part of a medical supply chain — not legally, but in every way that matters physiologically — what does responsibility look like? Not what a court would enforce. But moral obligation. What do you owe when you're the only thing standing between a person and a seizure? Corn: The uncomfortable answer is that right now, the store is meeting a need that nobody else will. The medical system isn't there at eight in the morning when the shaking starts. The social safety net isn't handing out benzodiazepines on the corner. The store is. And that's not an argument for the status quo — it's an indictment of every institution that should be in that gap and isn't. Herman: Which means "just stop selling to them" isn't the clean solution it sounds like. If a store owner looks at a regular customer and decides, on moral grounds, to refuse service — what happens next? That person doesn't go home and sober up. They go into withdrawal. They might seize. They might die. The store owner who acts on conscience might be triggering a medical crisis they're not equipped to handle. Corn: The moral obligation isn't just on the store. It's on the system that's allowed the store to become the only point of contact. The store is doing what the clinic, the shelter, the outreach program, and the regulatory framework have collectively failed to do — showing up consistently. That's not a defense of the store. It's an accusation leveled at everyone else. Herman: Daniel's father died of this disease. He watched it happen. And the question he sent us isn't abstract — it's born out of watching the same pattern play out on different streets, with different faces, and recognizing it for what it is. The person buying high-strength beer at eight in the morning is not having fun. They're not indulging. They're keeping themselves alive until the next drink. That's the reality we're all walking past. Corn: Once you know that, you can't unknow it. Every transaction you see, every person swaying outside a corner store — it stops looking like a nuisance and starts looking like a slow-motion medical emergency that we've all agreed to call someone else's problem. Herman: That's the discomfort Daniel left us with. And honestly, I think it's the right place to land. Not with a policy prescription, but with the recognition that what looks like a choice from the outside is, at a certain point, a physiological trap. And the store is just the most visible part of a system that's failing to spring it. Corn: If you have a weird prompt about the systems we don't see — the ones hiding in plain sight — send it in. We're at show at my weird prompts dot com. Herman: Thanks to Hilbert Flumingtop for producing. And now: Hilbert's daily fun fact. Hilbert: In the early 1500s, sailors in the Comoros Islands noticed that certain butterfly wings appeared to change color depending on the angle of light. They had no way of knowing they were observing nanostructures — microscopic ridges and scales that refract light through physical geometry rather than pigment. If you scaled up one of those wing nanostructures to the size of a standard shipping container, the ridges would be spaced about as far apart as the width of a human hair. Corn:...right. Herman: This has been My Weird Prompts. I'm Herman Poppleberry. Corn: I'm Corn. We'll be back next week.